Female Genital Cutting and the Demographic and Health
Surveys
What are the Demographic and Health
Surveys?
What is female genital cutting?
DHS data on FGC
Key issues
Disaggregation of variables in tables
References
What are the Demographic and Health Surveys?
Since 1984 the Demographic
and Health Surveys (DHS) program has assisted host country organizations in
conducting nationwide surveys on topics such as fertility, reproductive health,
maternal and child health and nutrition, and knowledge and practice related to
HIV/AIDS. ORC Macro provides technical and administrative oversight for the DHS
program, now known as MEASURE DHS, which is funded by the United States Agency
for International Development (USAID). Funding allows for the collection and
analysis of survey data as well as the dissemination of reports and data free to
interested parties. Data sets, reports of country surveys, and special studies
can be found on the DHS web site: www.measuredhs.com
The main objectives of the MEASURE DHS
project are:
- to provide decision makers with information useful for informed policy choices;
- to expand the international population and health data base;
- to advance survey methodology through the implementation of technically sound surveys;
- to develop the skills and resources necessary to conduct high quality demographic and health surveys in participating countries.
MEASURE DHS
also supports a range of other data collection options that can be tailored to
fit specific monitoring and evaluation needs of host countries. These
activities include Service Provision Assessment (SPA) surveys, AIDS Indicator
Surveys (AIS), baseline and follow-up surveys, interim surveys, specialized
surveys, and qualitative studies that use a variety of research methods. For
example, a study of women’s experience with female genital cutting in Guinea
was conducted in 1999 to provide information for questionnaire development for
use in the 1999 DHS.
The basic sample
used in DHS national surveys has usually consisted of 5,000 to 8,000 women of
reproductive age (15-49 years old). In addition to the core questionnaire, a
number of modules (series of questions) about subjects of special interest may
be used: malaria, HIV/AIDS, domestic violence, the status of women, maternal
mortality, or female genital cutting (FGC). DHS surveys began using a series
of questions on FGC in selected countries in northern Sudan in 1989. By the
end of 2004, DHS surveys had asked questions on FGC in 18 countries.
What is female genital cutting?
Female genital
cutting includes a range of practices varying from a simple nick of the
clitoris to the partial or complete removal of the female genitalia for
non-medical reasons. FGC is a common practice in many societies in the
northern half of sub-Saharan Africa. Nearly universal in a few countries, it
is practiced by various groups in about 28 African countries, in Yemen, and in
immigrant populations in a growing number of countries. In a few societies,
the procedure is routinely carried out when a girl is a few weeks or a few
months old (e.g. Yemen), while in most others, it occurs later in childhood or
adolescence. In the case of the latter, FGC is typically part of a ritual
initiation into womanhood that includes a period of seclusion and education
about the rights and duties of a wife.
Both scholars and
activists often assume that FGC “is an ‘ancient’ and deeply entrenched
practice, that it is associated with initiation, with Islam, and with
patriarchy” (Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2000:3). The same authors point out,
however, that FGC is a recent practice in some societies; it is not always
part of an initiation ritual; and most of the Islamic world does not observe
the practice. Indeed, the practice in what is now Egypt and Sudan predates
Islam by hundreds of years.
Female genital
cutting is a term chosen for its neutrality. The practice is more often
referred to as female circumcision or female genital mutilation.
Many people object to the use of the term female circumcision, which,
they argue, suggests that the practice is analogous to male circumcision. In
the mid-1990s, the World Health Organization (WHO) and many other groups
adopted the term female genital mutilation (FGM), which emphasizes the
permanent physical damage done to the female genitalia. This is the term used
by the majority of English speakers. Recently, researchers and interested
parties have expressed concern that the term female genital mutilation
“stigmatizes the practice to the detriment of the programs trying to change
it” (USAID, 2000). French speakers generally use the term excision for
all types of FGC.
DHS data on FGC
Data on FGC from DHS
surveys are now available from 18 countries, all in Africa, with the exception
of Yemen (see table 1). In Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Eritrea, Kenya,
Mali, Nigeria, and Tanzania, two surveys that include FGC data have been
conducted.
DHS collected data
on FGC for the first time as part of a survey in 1989-90 in Northern Sudan
following discussions with the USAID Mission and the Ministry of Health. Women
were asked if they had ever been circumcised, what type of FGC had been done,
and who performed the operation. A number of questions followed asking their
opinion about the practice. This pattern of questioning has been followed to
some extent in subsequent surveys.
Through a series of
discussions over the years, the DHS team has developed an FGC module with
suggested questions to be used in all countries. The questions can be divided
into four categories: 1) whether the respondent is circumcised or not; 2) what
she remembers of her own experience of circumcision; 3) what she recalls of
the experience of one of her daughters; and 4) the respondent’s opinion about
various aspects of FGC (benefits and drawbacks, how and why FGC should
continue or not, etc.). The FGC module can be found on this CD in English and
in French.
Prevalence data on
FGC at national and regional levels for specific countries have obvious uses,
most notably to monitor trends of the practice over time. Data on a
respondent’s own experience of FGC (age, type, instrument, place, the person
who performed FGC) may provide information on changes in the practice as well
as allow some assessment of likely consequences. The way DHS collects
information on the type of practice of FGC and other aspects of the FGC
experience varies between countries. Responses to questions about daughters
can be used to examine trends over time through comparisons of mothers’ and
daughters’ data. And finally, women’s opinions about the benefits of FGC may
add to our understanding of what this practice accomplishes for those who
participate in it.
In the process of
organizing a national DHS survey and finalizing a questionnaire, countries are
free to add questions to the FGC module that address issues of specific
concern to them. A number of countries have added questions about the health
consequences of the operation for the respondent (mother) or her daughter.
Several countries have added questions about the respondent’s knowledge of
campaigns to eradicate FGC. Therefore, the text and tables included in the
chapters on FGC data may vary somewhat from one country to another.
In the
interpretation of the differences in prevalence rates in the two surveys for
Burkina and for Kenya, two aspects of the surveys should be considered. In Burkina, the first
survey (1998-99) was conducted soon after the passage of a law forbidding the
practice of FGC. Specialists in FGC in Burkina say that the prevalence rate in
the 1998-99 survey was likely higher than the survey found, for some women
were afraid to say they had been cut. Therefore, it is likely that the
prevalence of FGC in Burkina remained stable between the two surveys. In Kenya, the first survey did not include
the northern region where FGC is common, while the second survey included that
region. Therefore, national FGC prevalence for the first survey should
actually have been a little higher, which means that the decrease in FGC
prevalence between the two surveys was actually larger than shown in the
table.
Key issues
DHS data on FGC can
be used to answer a number of key questions, such as: What is FGC prevalence
among (all) women 15-49 years old; How is FGC distributed within the country?
What evidence can be found for changes in prevalence over time, in the way FGC
was practiced, or in public opinion about the practice? To facilitate the
exploration of these questions, FGC data have been assembled onto a CD Rom to
make the data accessible to researchers and program specialists, and to assist
programs in monitoring and evaluating the impact of program activities on
knowledge and on practices. On this compact disc (CD) are found all the data
and materials related to FGC that have been produced by DHS from 1990 to 2004.
Of course prevalence
data are critical, but prevalence reported at a national level has a limited
value in countries where a major portion of the population does not practice
FGC. In those countries, more information is gained by examining prevalence
aggregated by region, by ethnic group, or by religion. Some idea of trends in
prevalence over time can be obtained by examining prevalence rates in age
cohorts of women. The proportion of women who say that they would like the
practice to be abandoned or continued is currently used to track trends in the
level of acceptance of the practice. It is unclear, however, how such
statements relate to actual practice. In some countries the identity of the
persons who do the cutting may change over time. For instance, in many
countries the proportion of girls cut by traditional circumcisers has
decreased while the proportion cut by medical personnel has increased.
During the 1990s the
World Health Organization (WHO) classified FGC into three types that varied by
severity: clitoridectomy, excision, and infibulation (WHO 1998). Types that do
not fit into these categories were classified as “Other.” In 2004, WHO began
discussions to revise their own typology, but that discussion has not yet been
completed. The FGC module has used various ways to obtain information about
the type of FGC practiced on respondents and on their daughters. In some
countries women were asked to say what was done to them, and their answers
were then classified according to the WHO types. In other countries, women
were asked which of the three types corresponded to their experience. The
current model of the FGC module asks about the amount of cutting that was
done. Comparisons of data from two surveys or in age cohorts in the same
country may sometimes reveal changes in the type of circumcision practiced.
Questions about the
type of FGC are asked to get some sense of the relative severity of the
operation, for infibulation causes major health consequences for women. What
is actually done to women, however, does not easily fall into specific types.
Thus the data on types should be used with great caution.
Disaggregation of variables in tables
FGC data are
presented as a separate chapter in each of the country reports in the form of
text, tables, and graphs. Although the specific questions asked vary somewhat
from one country to another, the reporting format of the tables follows the
same formula throughout. Key outcome variables such as prevalence, age at the
time of circumcision, identity of the person who performed the operation, and
the responses relating to the respondent’s opinion of FGC are aggregated by a
series of socio-demographic variables. The data are usually disaggregated by
age of respondent, urban or rural residence, education, and region. In
general, the tables in the FGC chapters follow the same model of
disaggregation by these variables. Some countries also present data aggregated
by ethnic group or religion, or both. In a few countries, women were asked if
they had been circumcised, but no other questions were asked.
In many countries a
sub-sample of the husbands of respondents were asked questions about their
knowledge of FGC and their opinions about the practice. Their responses are
reported in a similar manner.
Table 1. Prevalence of female genital cutting in DHS surveys:
National level data |
| Country |
Year of
survey |
Overall prevalence |
Sample size |
| Guinea |
1999 |
99% |
6,753 |
| Egypt |
1995 |
97% |
14,779 |
| Egypt |
2000 |
97% |
15,573 |
| Mali |
1996 |
94% |
9,704 |
| Mali |
2001 |
92% |
12,849 |
| Eritrea |
1995 |
95% |
5,054 |
| Eritrea |
2002 |
89% |
8,754 |
| Northern Sudan |
1989-90 |
89% |
5,860 |
| Ethiopia |
2000 |
80% |
15,367 |
| Burkina Faso |
1998-99 |
72% |
6,445 |
| Burkina Faso |
2003 |
76% |
12,477 |
| Mauritania |
2000-01 |
71% |
7,728 |
| Côte d’Ivoire |
1998-99 |
45% |
3,040 |
| Chad |
2004 |
45% |
6,087 |
| Côte d’Ivoire |
1994 |
43% |
8,099 |
| Central African Rep. |
1994-95 |
43% |
5,884 |
| Kenya |
1998 |
38% |
7,881 |
| Kenya |
2003 |
32% |
8,195 |
| Nigeria |
2000 |
25% |
3,365 |
| Nigeria |
2003 |
19% |
7,620 |
| Yemen |
1997 |
23% |
10,414 |
| Tanzania |
1996 |
18% |
8,120 |
| Tanzania |
2004 |
18% |
6,863 |
| Benin |
2001 |
17% |
6,219 |
| Ghana |
2004 |
5% |
5,691 |
| Niger |
1998 |
5% |
7,577 |
| Cameroon |
2004 |
1% |
10,656 |
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References
Shell-Duncan, Bettina and Ylva Hernlund. 2000. Female "Circumcision" in
Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc.
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID). 2000. USAID policy on
female genital cutting (FGC). Washington, D.C.: USAID.
World Health Organization. 1998. Female genital mutilation: An overview. Geneva: WHO.
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